The Mueller report, or at least an interpretive summary of it, landed in a hostile landscape Sunday. Democrats had hoped for more than they got. Republicans are proclaiming not-quite-justified victory in Special Counsel Robert Mueller's report of Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election and associated issues.
According the Attorney General William Barr (who had already declared the president innocent of any wrongdoing), Mueller's report found no evidence of collusion or conspiracy between the Trump campaign and Russians. As to any potential obstruction by the president or his associates, Mueller did not find enough evidence to warrant an indictment. Barr, in his summary to Congress, claims prosecutorial discretion to decide that no indictments are justified. That is, he sees insufficient evidence to convict anyone of obstruction.
President Trump was quick to proclaim victory and vindication, saying there was "no collusion" and he was fully exonerated. That second conclusion exaggerates the situation. Not finding enough evidence to convict is not the same as being fully exonerated.
Regardless, Trump has much to cheer about. The "no collusion" he has been proclaiming for months appears to be accurate, but few people have seen the evidence on which Mueller based his conclusion. Several points should be remembered:
1. The letter to Congress was not Mueller's full report. Democrats in the House are pushing for a full release of the report and substantiating evidence. A different conclusion or a more nuanced conclusion could be forthcoming.
2. Trump has spent two years declaring that Mueller was biased, politicized and unfair in his investigation, which the president repeatedly called a "witch hunt." How can he now hold up Mueller's report as evidence of his own vindication?
3. The Democratic majority in the House will conduct its own investigation of what happened in the 2016 election and how Trump has presided over the Executive Branch of government. That investigation will have more impact on Trump's future than Mueller's report. Trump's troubles are not over yet.
4. Conspiracy, the crime sometimes referred to as collusion, is notoriously difficult to prove. A conspiracy takes place in the minds of its partners; prosecutors must persuade jurors of what the defendants were thinking, which is a difficult step.
5. Even if there was no collusion in the 2016 election, there clearly was Russian interference. Mueller's team has indicted a number of Russians for interfering in the U.S. election. We will never know whether that interference swayed election results, but there was clearly a Russian effort to aid Trump's election chances. Vladimir Putin himself (Trump's BFF) acknowledged that he wanted Trump to win the election.
6. Mueller's report isn't the final statement about possible criminal conduct in the Trump circle. Trump's lawyer, his former campaign manager, several campaign advisers and others have been indicted, convicted or pleaded guilty as a result of the Mueller probe. Investigations into Trump-related crimes in the Southern District of New York.
Where does all this leave Democrats and others who would like to see Trump impeached? They are going to have to find additional evidence of "high crimes and misdemeanors" in order to get enough votes in Congress to impeach and remove from office. But Yoni Applebaum in an article in the March Atlantic magazine, makes the case for impeachment not based on criminal offenses but on misconduct/misbehavior in office. Applebaum says the Founding Fathers provided impeachment as a means of correcting an electoral mistake, removing a president who is incompetent, embarrassing, or a detriment to American democracy. By that standard, Applebaum says, Congress already has enough evidence, much of it from Trump's own mouth (or his fingers on his phone keyboard) to impeach him. He has berated grieving parents of American soldiers killed in action; he has insulted American heroes such as John McCain; he has embraced authoritarian dictators such as Kim Jong Un and Putin while castigating American allies; his administration has been chaotic and contradictory; he has worked to weaken or destroy NATO; he has sought to scuttle the post-World War II alliances that have prevented another world war; and he has profited from his office by accepting payments from foreign governments through his real estate properties.
Despite the overwhelming evidence of un-presidential behavior by Trump, it will be difficult to pass an impeachment bill. Democrats' best hope for getting rid of Trump will be the old-fashioned way: vote him out of office in 2020. Because Trump has such an enthusiastic, motivated, he-can-do-no-wrong following, even that won't be easy.
Monday, March 25, 2019
Saturday, March 23, 2019
Biography offers a second look at U.S. Grant
This post was published in The Wilson Times March 23, 2019.
As a native North Carolinian
with two great-great-grandfathers who served in the Confederate army and were
killed in the Civil War, I never was a great fan of Ulysses S. Grant. But after
reading Ron Chernow’s 1,000-page biography of Grant, simply titled “Grant,” I’m
more sympathetic.
I thought I knew what I
needed to know about Grant, the Union general who took over after President
Lincoln had fired or demoted all of his predecessors, including McClelland,
Hooker, Meade, Burnside, Butler, etc. Unlike his predecessors, Grant did not
reverse course and head back to the Potomac after being defeated or badly
outflanked by Robert E. Lee’s troops. From reading a number of Civil War books,
my image of Grant was of a man who used superior manpower and resources to
decimate the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia and ultimately force Lee’s
surrender. Grant stubbornly kept his Army of the Potomac on Lee’s heels until Lee
finally had no place to go.
That stubbornness also
showed itself at Cold Harbor, where Grant ordered consecutive, suicidal charges
against an entrenched Confederate line. Union troops were so resigned to dying
as they prepared for one more hopeless charge that they pinned their names,
written on scraps of paper, onto their clothing so their bodies could be
identified after the killing was over. Critics North and South called Grant “a
butcher.”
In a thousand pages, I
should certainly learn a lot about Grant, and I did. I have a greater
appreciation of the man who rode his Civil War fame to become the 18th
president of the United States. I’m still not convinced that Grant was a great
military tactician, but his strong determination to finish his work, whatever
it was, served him well in war.
Grant had a troubled
childhood with a domineering, unloving father, and his marriage to Julia Dent gave
him a difficult father-in-law, who was a demanding, slave-holding plantation
owner who never liked his son-in-law and his anti-slavery family. Grant went to
West Point for the free education and was not the best student. He resigned
from his Army career and tried to succeed in private business but repeatedly
failed.
Chernow frequently asserts
that Grant’s lack of business success was the result of an inability to judge
people who would take advantage of him. Grant lacked a healthy skepticism about
dishonest people. As a result, Grant found himself broke more than once. The worst
loss came after his two terms in the White House, when a slick financial
adviser fleeced him of his life’s savings, leaving his family destitute.
One critic said Chernow has
a tendency to see only the good in the subjects of his biographies, and that is
certainly true of “Grant.” It is difficult to swallow the author’s excuses for
Grant’s ignorance of basic personal finance and his trusting of shysters who
saw him as an easy mark. Nevertheless, Grant was very successful as a military
strategist, lauded by some as the greatest general of the century. His
presidential terms were fairly successful but difficulties arose from Grant’s
tendency to surround himself with untrustworthy people, making his presidency
perhaps the most scandal-ridden in U.S. history.
One aspect of this history
is the federal government’s failure during Reconstruction to stop violence against
newly emancipated African-Americans. Chernow documents numerous incidents of
violence and murder of former slaves and their families by Ku Klux Klan members
and other white supremacists. Grant was more willing than others to call out
federal troops to defend civil rights in the former Confederacy, but his
actions were not enough to stop the murdering racists determined to keep the
black population, as well as white Republicans, from voting, despite the 13th,
14th and 15th Amendments. The failure to protect the
rights of citizens should be an embarrassment to all Americans, and it has
shaped U.S history for 150 years. The public and elected officials both North
and South ignored cries for justice.
I don’t recall the U.S.
history courses I took making clear just how widespread violence, intimidations
and flagrant murders were in the post-war South. When I was in school, Reconstruction
was taught as a lamentable era of scandal, graft and wasteful spending by state
governments run by former slaves, some of whom were illiterate. The larger
issue, it is obvious, is the refusal of many whites to accept the results of
the Civil War that killed 600,000 Americans, gave former slaves the right to
vote, and left half the nation destitute, its economy destroyed and its
greatest form of wealth — African slaves — eliminated without compensation.
This biography of Grant is
worth reading just for what it tells us about the Radical Republicans vs. white
supremacist Democrats during Reconstruction. But there is much more in those
thousand pages.
Hal Tarleton is a former editor of The Wilson Daily
Times. Contact him at haltarleton@myglnc.com.
Saturday, March 16, 2019
I'm afraid I have March Madness!
The post first appeared in the March 16 edition of the Wilson Times.
As I write this column, the
Atlantic Coast Conference tournament is already under way. The oddity about
this annual event is that I’m not paying any attention — yet.
Television networks are
promising us “March Madness,” but all I’m feeling is a bit of anxiety. This is
the second year that I have been retired with no office to go to, no demands on
my afternoons, no commitments to be productive instead of mesmerized by
fast-paced games in ever-larger arenas. I could be turned into a bug-eyed
zombie by watching four tournament games in succession and being unable to
remember, three hours later, who beat whom.
I’ve been a college
basketball fan for more than 50 years. Let me correct that: I’ve been a fan of
one particular college basketball team for 50-plus years. I watch games
involving that team with a zeal and fixation that is mental, emotional and
physical.
When my children were young,
they learned to accept the fact that Dad would not be available during certain
televised basketball games and that he would periodically shout (nothing
profane, just “No-o-o!” or “Rebound!” or “How can you miss a free throw?”) and,
when necessary, stomp the floor, sometimes with both feet at once. They
survived the trauma and are now basketball fans.
I’ve learned that such
devotion can be hazardous to your health. When I was in college, I never missed
my team’s home games. At one game, a particularly important late-season
contest, I had tickets in the very top row of the university’s 10,000-seat
arena (since downgraded and replaced by a bigger arena). I had a tendency,
whenever things did not go the “right” way in the game, to jump from my seat,
scream and shake my fists. My seat at this game presented a problem for me.
When I stood at my seat, my head hit one of the monstrous steel beams holding
up the roof. It took only one bad moment for me to realize the danger. Getting
walloped by a ten-ton, foot-wide steel beam will get anyone’s attention, unless
that someone is fixated on what is happening on a 94-foot basketball court 200
feet below someone. Throughout that game, which ended in a close loss for my
team, I must have leaped from my seat two dozen times. To say I had a headache
would be equal to saying Hamlet had a dysfunctional family.
After college, I continued
my fanatical interest in my team, but I made it a point not to sit beneath any
roof girders, wherever I was. I watched my basketball team on television and
was grateful for the development of color television and for expanded
programming that put more than one or two college games per week on broadcast
networks.
Through the expansion of the
ACC from eight colleges to 16, I’ve followed the tournaments. I would try to arrange
my schedule so that I could see my team play in afternoon games, and I would be
sure to finish dinner before the 7 p.m. game started. When I first became
hypnotized by ACC basketball, only the tournament winner advanced to the NCAA
tournament. Now, more than 60 teams get into the tournament bracket, and fans
are treated to endless speculation and drivel about who’s the top seed and
who’s “on the bubble” as CBS, which is paying top dollar to broadcast the NCAA
tournament games, encourages an outbreak of “March Madness.”
It’s an amazing illness.
“Madness” is dependent upon fans catching the fever, but fans are mistreated
with seemingly constant promotions of the next game or tomorrow’s game or an
NBA game later on the network and with announcers who rarely say who was
charged when a foul is called and with camera shots that ignore the game and
focus on someone on the bench or in the stands. Isn’t there a basketball game
going on?
The fans at least get an
adrenaline burst from the games. The colleges and coaches get paid
mega-millions for participating. The players, forced to fit into the NCAA
definition of “student athletes,” do the work but get little in return. Their
athletic scholarships get them a college education, but they don’t get a share
of the monetary bonanza colleges, coaches and networks share.
Not that I’m complaining.
I’ll put up with all the inequality, unfairness and bad calls on block/charge
incidents if I can just watch the games and see my team win. Assuming my team
makes it to the tournament finals, I will be watching Saturday night and all
through the weeks of the NCAA tournament. I just can’t stop myself; it’s a madness.
Hal Tarleton was a newspaper editor and writer for 33
years. Contact him at haltarleton@myglnc.com.
-->
Friday, March 15, 2019
Congress is unable to stop Trump
Given a choice between upholding the U.S. Constitution, which they have sworn to "preserve, protect and defend," or surrendering Congress' authority to a man determined to secure autocratic power over the entire federal government, Republicans in Congress chose the latter this week.
President Donald Trump will veto the resolution that overrules the president's declaration of a national emergency, and the GOP, which has surrendered its identity and traditions to a man who seeks only his own grandizement and unquestioned authority, will allow that veto to stand.
Both Trump and GOP members of Congress are looking only to the 2020 elections, which they are determined to win, even if the Constitution is shredded in their single-minded determination to remain in power. Nowhere has this determination been more obvious than in the flip-flop of Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina. Tillis initially vowed to vote for the resolution countering Trump's emergency authority, reminding the public, correctly, that Congress, not the president, has the authority to appropriate money. But threatened with a primary opponent and an angry Trump contingent of voters, Tillis cowardly switched sides and voted against the resolution.
Tillis (and other Republicans in Congress) knew that they had condemned then-President Barack Obama for using presidential orders to set policies. Their outrage disappeared when Trump used the same sort of authority to appropriate federal funds. Obama had acted when Congress failed to pass immigration reform; he established DACA (Delayed Action on Childhood Arrivals) to protect immigrants who had arrived as small children. Obama's DACA went beyond the usual discretion the executive branch has in deciding how to handle prosecutions but did not directly contradict Congress' funding authority. Trump plans to shift federal spending to do what Congress refused to do, spend billions of dollars on a border wall many consider wasteful and ineffective. Obama acted where Congress had not. Trump does him one better, acting contrary to Congress' clear decision against more border wall spending.
The silence you hear in 2019 is the lack of outrage by GOP members who claim to be conservative and believers in the Constitution. They make it clear that they hold Trump in greater esteem than they hold the Constitution, and their vow to "preserve, protect and defend" the Constitution is a blatant lie.
In the great scheme of things, a few billion dollars for a border wall is not a make-or-break issue. What matters is not the border wall; it is the principle that we abide by the Constitution. If Trump can steal Congress' responsibility to appropriate federal funds, what more can he do? Declare martial law to disallow voting by Democrats? Declare the 2020 election fraudulent and proclaim himself the winner? Refuse to leave office after being rejected by a majority of voters? Dissolve Congress? Eliminate the Supreme Court? Only the Constitution stands in his way, but Congress and the public must protect the Constitution.
When elected officials sworn to protect and defend the Constitution no longer care, Trump's powers are infinite, and democracy is dead.
President Donald Trump will veto the resolution that overrules the president's declaration of a national emergency, and the GOP, which has surrendered its identity and traditions to a man who seeks only his own grandizement and unquestioned authority, will allow that veto to stand.
Both Trump and GOP members of Congress are looking only to the 2020 elections, which they are determined to win, even if the Constitution is shredded in their single-minded determination to remain in power. Nowhere has this determination been more obvious than in the flip-flop of Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina. Tillis initially vowed to vote for the resolution countering Trump's emergency authority, reminding the public, correctly, that Congress, not the president, has the authority to appropriate money. But threatened with a primary opponent and an angry Trump contingent of voters, Tillis cowardly switched sides and voted against the resolution.
Tillis (and other Republicans in Congress) knew that they had condemned then-President Barack Obama for using presidential orders to set policies. Their outrage disappeared when Trump used the same sort of authority to appropriate federal funds. Obama had acted when Congress failed to pass immigration reform; he established DACA (Delayed Action on Childhood Arrivals) to protect immigrants who had arrived as small children. Obama's DACA went beyond the usual discretion the executive branch has in deciding how to handle prosecutions but did not directly contradict Congress' funding authority. Trump plans to shift federal spending to do what Congress refused to do, spend billions of dollars on a border wall many consider wasteful and ineffective. Obama acted where Congress had not. Trump does him one better, acting contrary to Congress' clear decision against more border wall spending.
The silence you hear in 2019 is the lack of outrage by GOP members who claim to be conservative and believers in the Constitution. They make it clear that they hold Trump in greater esteem than they hold the Constitution, and their vow to "preserve, protect and defend" the Constitution is a blatant lie.
In the great scheme of things, a few billion dollars for a border wall is not a make-or-break issue. What matters is not the border wall; it is the principle that we abide by the Constitution. If Trump can steal Congress' responsibility to appropriate federal funds, what more can he do? Declare martial law to disallow voting by Democrats? Declare the 2020 election fraudulent and proclaim himself the winner? Refuse to leave office after being rejected by a majority of voters? Dissolve Congress? Eliminate the Supreme Court? Only the Constitution stands in his way, but Congress and the public must protect the Constitution.
When elected officials sworn to protect and defend the Constitution no longer care, Trump's powers are infinite, and democracy is dead.
Saturday, March 9, 2019
Let's get organized, and other fads
This post appeared in The Wilson Times March 9, 2019.
One of the
hazards of aging is that you begin to feel left out of all the latest trends in
food, music, movies, fashions, health, sports and organization. I’ve quit
watching awards shows because I don’t know who the popular musicians, actors
and scriptwriters are. Most of the “latest” fads are remakes of past fads, and
after a few decades, one can see the same fads return to fashion not once but
two or three times.
Consider women’s
fashions. I’ve seen hemlines go from mini to maxi and back again. I’ve seen
jeans go from skinny to bell bottoms and skinny again. Foods go in and out of
style. Two or three decades ago, food companies competed to have the lowest or
even zero fat. Now, it appears that fat is not all that bad. Eggs were bad for
you, and then they were good for you. Should I take a daily baby aspirin or
not? It depends on the year in which you are self-medicating.
The advice
swings like a pendulum. Automotive designs flip-flop, too. A few years ago, we
experienced a “retro” trend, in which you could buy a new car that looked oddly
like a 1930s or 1940s vehicle. Several years ago, carmakers adopted boxiness to
maximize interior space. Now, auto designers are giving us sweeping designs that
are as curvaceous as the Chrysler Airflow of the 1930s. How long before
tailfins from the 1950s come back?
All these
changes in fashion and design, as well as rapidly accelerating advances in
technology, have created another problem for the modern world: clutter. Without
any embarrassment, I admit that I have a suit that I bought in the early 1980s.
I still wear it, and it’s more in fashion today than it was 20 years ago. My
closet also has more recent vintage clothing, such as pleated slacks, that is
clearly no longer in style. I should get rid of the pleated slacks, but they
are still in great shape, and that seems so wasteful.
Some of us
become “hoarders” who just can’t stand getting rid of a perfectly good item in
the belief that we might need it someday. An older friend used to quote his
father’s wisdom: “It’s better to have it and not need it than to need it and
not have it.” So we have houses cluttered with out-of-fashion clothes, car
parts, once-used tools, chipped glassware, mismatched dinner plates and old
photos of people we don’t recognize.
Marie Kondo has
come to save us, thus making her the latest trend that will someday be
forgotten until its next iteration. Kondo has apparently made quite an
impression with her YouTube videos of how your house should look. She preaches
a sort of hard-line practicality in demanding that we all face the music and
get rid of all that junk that is cluttering our closets and homes, not to
mention storage units. Does it bring you joy? If not, toss it out.
I am not
offended by Kondo’s principles, although I am not an obsessively organized
person. My desks throughout my working decades looked cluttered, but I knew
that each stack of paper had a purpose, and if anyone moved things around, I
wouldn’t be able to find what I was looking for. I am, however, a bit obsessive
(and I would guess Ms. Kondo is, too) in that I like having “a place for every
thing and every thing in its place” (a principle I learned in Coast Guard
Officer Candidate School, where that rule was strictly enforced).
I’m not spending
my time watching Marie Kondo videos or reading her books, but I am trying to
tidy things up a bit while I still can. But one thing bothers me. Kondo
recently decreed to her disciples that you should get rid of your books, but
then she softened her dictate to allow 40 books per household. That will never
happen at our house. We have at least ten times the allowable number of books.
Just in the bookshelves above my computer desk, I can count 37 books, and there
are other books in this spare bedroom and a large, jammed bookshelf just
outside the door. We’re not even counting the books downstairs in the built-in
bookcases, where there must be a few hundred books.
Kondo says you
should only retain items that “bring you joy.” Each of those books scattered
throughout the house brings joy to my wife or me, or both of us. So there!
We’ve kept these books (admittedly, we have given away 100 or more books in the
past few years) because they meant something to us, and we thought we’d like to
reread them. It’s cheaper to keep a book to reread than it is to buy it twice.
Sitting in the
living room with all those books and discussing literature, my wife and I came
to the realization that, at our ages, we might never get around to rereading
all the books we want to reread. But if a house cluttered with good books is
our legacy, that is just fine.
Hal Tarleton edited newspapers for 33
years. Contact him at haltarleton@myglnc.com.
Sunday, March 3, 2019
In a crowded room, two people can be all alone
This column was published in The Wilson Daily Times on Nov. 29, 2013.
The two of us sat alone in the
crowded bar, the late afternoon, post-game crowd undulated shoulder to shoulder
all around us, but we were as alone as if we were on an island.
Credit cards and greenbacks passed
back and forth on either side of us. The crew of bartenders busily filled
glasses and picked up tips scattered on the bar. Another football game was on
the television to the left, and my eye occasionally veered toward it to check
the score.
All around the room the size of a
back yard, people were talking, laughing and greeting with a joyfulness typical
of a weekend scene in a college town. Most of the patrons were our children’s
age or younger, though a few were our contemporaries, and a handful were older.
We hardly noticed.
A tall glass of the microbrew du
jour before each of us, we talked in soft tones, nuzzling close so that we
heard each other’s quiet tones despite the cacophony all around us, rubbing
elbows and shoulders and hips.
Twenty-five years before, in this
same city, the city where we met, we had sat in a booth for an anniversary
dinner, fingers happily intertwined, and watched two other couples, older,
wealthier, more content with their lives.
They were out for a social
evening, laughing and enjoying a midweek dinner with friends. For those other
couples, dinners like this might have been routine, a standing date, unlike
ours, a once-a-year occasion, our small children left with relatives for a few
hours so that we could “date” and pretend.
We only pretended that we were
carefree; they really were. But those other couples that night were not happier
than we.
Now, 25 years and three grown
children later, we are standing at the bar, spending money at leisure, and
enjoying the company of each other, oblivious to all around us. This is the
carefree life we never had when we were as young as the masses surrounding us.
They are flirting with new
acquaintances or joking with old friends. They are enjoying the ambiance of the
crowd and the noise, but we, in the midst of it, have found a quiet solitude
for just the two of us.
We, the ones who know no one else
in the whole restaurant, just talk as we wait for a table, no hurry at all. Our
talk, as it so often does, turns to the children we’ve reared.
No longer under foot, they call us
now on cell phones and ask what we’re doing, expressing surprise that we’re out
on the town. That’s not like us, not like the frugal parents who scrimped for
grocery money and patented cheap vacations when they were growing up. They know
our outdated clothes and our flea-market furniture, not this.
The children are grown, no longer
dependents, but still our first concerns. As we talk about the children and
their needs, she turns to me, reflectively, and says, “I think the best thing
we ever gave our children was the example of our marriage.”
I nod in agreement, brushing her
hair with my forehead we’re so close. “It’s like the old saying, 'The best
thing any man can do for his children is to love their mother,'” I tell her.
After so many years of anxiety
over money, illness, adolescence and all the rest that goes into parenting,
we’ve discovered we can relax and be content.
This is our small reward — a quiet
dinner just for two in a crowded, boisterous restaurant in a place where time
disappears.
Hal
Tarleton column, WDT 11/29/2003
-->
Threescore and ten ... and then?
“The days of our life are threescore and
ten, and even by reason of strength fourscore years; yet their span is but toil
and trouble; they are soon gone, and we fly away.”
Psalm
90:10
Here
I am at threescore and ten, or as we would phrase it today, the Big Seven-Oh. I
can’t say that age has snuck up on me. I’ve seen it coming for years, decades
even. I know my face and body have aged. I see it and feel it every day. My
joints and muscles hurt most days, and some foods tend to tie my digestive
tract in knots. My faltering memory embarrasses me nearly every day. I often can’t
recall someone’s name, although I know it perfectly well; it just won’t show
itself. It’s as if my brain were an overstuffed Rolodex, and some days the
right card just won’t pop up.
Nevertheless,
I’m grateful to be here at this biblical age. My threescore years and ten have
been good, better than I deserve. I have experienced disappointments and
tragedies, along with joys and pleasant surprises. Friends from long ago have
preceded me to the grave years before they reached this epoch. I have stood by
the graves of parents, siblings, cousins, and friends. The Psalm’s threescore
and ten years is not a promise; not everyone will make it. Nor is it a
delimiter. Some will live past 70. My parents made it to their late 80s, but
their last decade was sad and painful.
Genes
from my parents might get me through a few more years, but if those extra years
involve the kind of dementia and residence in a nursing home that they
experienced, I’d rather leave the stage now.
Yes,
this span “is but toil and trouble,” and the years “are soon gone,” after which
“we fly away.” We will soon get a reminder of our mortality on Ash Wednesday:
“You are dust, and to dust you shall return.” Maybe not imminently, but
certainly.
I’m
hopeful for another decade or two past this milestone if my body and brain will
continue working. I don’t want to end the romance that began nearly 50 years
ago; we have other things to see, places to go, conversations to have and hugs
to share. I want to see my grandchildren, no longer babies, grow into
adulthood. I have lived to see “your children’s children” as the biblical
blessing promised (Psalm 128:6). Now I want to see them grown and living their
own successful lives.
For
the most part, I have found that life keeps getting better. I rather dreaded my
forties, which began with an “over the hill” party, because I was no longer a
young man. My fifties were better. The children were mostly on their own, and
our “empty nest” wasn’t at all bad once I got used to the quiet in the house. My
sixties were difficult as loved ones died, and my career took an abrupt turn,
but our marriage grew stronger as we faced that decade together.
Now
I bid farewell to my sixties, no longer joking that “it’s the sixties all over
again!” Most of all on this threescore and ten, I am grateful for a life
different from the one I imagined at the one-score mark. This life, however
long it may last, has been as wonderful as George Bailey’s life in Bedford
Falls.
This post originally appeared in The Wilson Times March 2, 2019.
This post originally appeared in The Wilson Times March 2, 2019.
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