As the impeachment of a
president begins to look more and more likely, I have found myself thinking
back to the 1974 impeachment proceedings against Richard Nixon. I was working
in Washington at the time, reading the Washington Post daily and feeling excited
about having a close-up seat for this political drama.
Nixon was not impeached, but
the House Judiciary Committee had filed articles of impeachment and sent them
to the full House for a vote. Recognizing that the House vote would be
overwhelmingly for impeachment, Nixon reluctantly resigned, thereby allowing
appointed Vice President Gerald Ford to ascend to the presidency and issue a
pardon, which saved Nixon from charges for criminal conduct the impeachment
inquiry had revealed.
It took a visit from Sen.
Barry Goldwater, the most recognized and admired Republican in the Senate, to
convince Nixon that his presidency could not survive an impeachment vote. If
Nixon had not resigned, the impeachment trial before the full Senate could have
dragged on for weeks, leaving the country nearly rudderless.
The 2019 impeachment debate
will play out in a very different climate. Nixon had lost the support of all
but the most dedicated Republicans. A recent poll showed Trump’s overall approval
rating around 50 percent, but his approval among registered Republicans was
more than 90 percent. It’s difficult to explain the disparity in one large
portion of the electorate. Trump’s lashing out at every criticism and total
denial of every accusation has to be a factor in the polls’ schism. His true
believers have been trained to ignore all news reports that do not emanate from
Trump himself or his minions.
Another factor in Trump’s
favor if impeachment happens is his demand for personal loyalty from all
appointees in his administration as well as elected officials. Although federal
officials take an oath to uphold, protect and defend the Constitution, Trump
demands and usually gets personal loyalty. If enough people in power violate
their oath to uphold the Constitution and rule instead in favor of Trump’s
interests, any impeachment vote will fail.
For Nixon, the secret Oval
Office audiotapes were the deciding factor for impeachment. The Supreme Court
ruled unanimously that Nixon had to release the tapes. Would a 2019 Supreme Court,
with a 5-4 Republican majority including two Trump appointees, rule against
this president? We may find out before this is all over.
Trump has been frequently
accused of violating his oath of office and seeking to rule regardless of
Constitutional restrictions and balance of power. He also faces lawsuits
alleging he is violating the emoluments clause of the Constitution by accepting
(and even marketing) stays at his hotels and resorts paid by foreign
governments. His latest alleged violation involves telephone calls to the
president of Ukraine. Those calls could be problematic on two counts: (1) Trump
asks for “a favor” involving a Ukrainian investigation of former Vice President
Joe Biden and his son; and (2) Trump uses his elective office to conduct
personal business, a vendetta against the Bidens, and brings in his personal
lawyer, Rudy Giuliani, and U.S. Attorney General Robert Barr. Using company
time, company assets and company resources to conduct personal business is
unethical on any level. If true, Trump has committed what amounts to a
corporate executive conducting his Amway business from his corporate desk.
What makes this impeachment
inquiry particularly difficult is Trump’s insistence that he has never, ever
done anything wrong (and claimed the calls to Ukraine were “perfect”), and his
followers’ willingness to believe every word from a man with an astounding
history of prevarications. A delegation from Congress, like the one that
convinced Nixon to resign, will not work with Trump. If he goes down, he will
go down screaming his innocence and perfection.
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